Notes: Chapter 2

The Origins of American Policing

Typically, comparative police histories discuss various cities in the order by which they came to attain modern police forces. So London would be first, if the volume considers English cities, and then New York, Boston, and so on. My approach breaks from this formula, presenting the cities instead in the order by which they reached progressively higher states of police development. Charleston appears first because its contribution to the modern type came very early. This approach preserves the sense of historical development leading to the appearance of modern policing; and it retains the sense that the modern police represent one stage in this sequence - not the inevitable end-point. In other words, I have tried to approach the matter of development prospectively rather than retrospectively, while still limiting the exploration of dead-ends and historical cul-de-sacs.

1. Selden Daskan Bacon, "The Early Development of the American Municipal Police: A Study of the Evolution of Formal Controls in a Changing Society, vol. 1" (PhD diss.. Yale University, 1939. Ann Arbor: University Microfilms International [facsimile], 1986). 206-208.
2. In general terms, "Modernity is distinguished on economic, political. social and cultural grounds. For example, modern societies typically have industrial, capitalist economies, democratic political organization and a social structure founded on a division into social classes. There is less agreement on cultural features, which are said to include a tendency to the fragmentation of experience, a commodification and rationalization of all aspects of life, and a speeding up of the pace of daily life. Modernity has required new systems of individual surveillance, discipline and control. It has emphasized regularity and measurement in everyday life." The Penguin Dictionary of Sociology, Nicholas Abercrombie et al. (London: Penguin Books, 2000), s.v. "Modernity."
3. David H. Bayley, "The Development of Modern Policing," in Policing Perspectives: An Anthology, eds. Larry K Gaines and Gary W. Cordner (Los Angeles: Roxbury Publishing, 1999), 67-68.
4. "Policing in the modern world is dominated by organizations that are public, specialized, and professional. What is new about policing is the combination of these attributes rather than any of the attributes themselves." Bayley, "Development of Modern Policing," 75.
5. Bayley, "Development of Modern Policing," 69.
6. "In policing, the defining task is the application of physical force within a community." Bayley, "Development of Modern Policing," 67.
7. Richard Lundman, Police and Policing: An Introduction (New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1980), 17.
8. Bacon, "Early Development ofthe Modern Municipal Police, vol. 1," 6.
9. Raymond B. Fosdick, American Police Systems (New York: The Century Company, 1920), 67.
10. Eric H. Monkkonen, Police in Urban America, 1860-1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 53.
11. Clive Emsley, The English Police: A Political and Social History (London: Longman, 1991), 19.
12. The militarization of the police is discussed in detail in chapter 9.
13. Emergency measures such as National Guard patrols are thereby excluded.
14. This continuum has obviously been designed with city police in mind. Some county, state, and federal agencies may also count as modern police organizations. Clearly, different standards would apply.
15. There are two sets of implications to this treatment of modernization. First, current trends like militarization may be viewed in terms of an ongoing process of modernization. Second, this view allows for the possibility that emerging characteristics might overtake the traditional policing characteristics, thus fundamentally altering the nature of the institution. For example, our contemporary public, government-controlled police agencies may someday be superseded by private corporate-controlled organizations fulfilling similar functions. Whether such organizations should be counted as "police," "company guards," or "private armies" is very much open for debate, and probably cannot be decided without knowledge of the particulars of the institution.
16. Bayley, "Development of Modern Policing," 62.
17. "Informal policing refers to a system where community members are jointly responsible for the maintenance of order. Absent are persons whose sole responsibility is policing." Lundman, Police and Policing, 15.
18. Bruce Smith, Rural Crime Control (New York: institute of Public Administration, 1933), 36.
19. Ibid.
20. Monkkonen, Police in Urban America, 33.
21. Smith, Rural Crime Control, 38.
22. Bayley, "Development of Modern Policing," 62.
23. Smith, Rural Crime Control, 39-42.
24. Bayley, "Development of Modern Policing," 62-63.
25. Smith, Rural Crime Control, 75.
26. "The ancient custom of making 'hue and cry' after criminals, with the entire countryside up in arms and joining the hunt, lapsed into disuse. The civil police officer began to emerge." Smith, Rural Crime Control, 76.
27. "Under this system, the constable became subordinated first to the lord of the manor and eventually to the justice of the peace (who was frequently also the lord of the manor). As feudalism ended, capitalism developed as an economic system, and the nation-state formed. Thus, in gross, the origin of the English police in its modern form and function can be said to be consistent and coincident with the origin of the English state." Cyril D. Robinson and Richard Scaglion, "The Origin and Evolution of the Police Function in Society: Notes Toward a Theory," Law and Society Review 21.1 (1987): 147.
28. Smith, Rural Crime Control, 76.
29. Emsley, English Police, 9.
30. Elaine A. Reynolds, Before the Bobbies: The Night Watch and Police Reform in Metropolitan London, 1720-1830 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1998), 169.
31. Quoted in Reynolds, Before the Bobbies, 16 and 18.
32. Emsley, English Police, 19-22.
33. Reynolds, Before the Bobbies, 61.
34. Reynolds, Before the Bobbies, 4.
35. Reynolds, Before the Bobbies, 62-68 and 77-78.
36. Reynolds, Before the Bobbies, 57. Beadles were daytime officers responsible for enforcing liquor laws and poor laws, directing traffic, keeping order in church, and sometimes supervising the watch. Reynolds, Before the Bobbies, 10 and 24.
37. Lundman, Police and Policing, 17; and Reynolds, Before the Bobbies, 76.
38. Bayley, "Development of Modern Policing," 63.
39. Philip john Stead, The Police in Britain (New York: Macmillan, 1985), 16-17.
40. Quoted in Wilbur R. Miller, "Police Authority in London and New York, 1830-1870," The journal of Social History (Winter 1975): 92.
41. "Finally, when we combine our better understanding of the elements, process, personnel, and motivations that were involved in police reform in London during the whole period from 1735 to 1829, it becomes clear that Robert Peel's reform in 1829 was not revolutionary. It rationalized and extended but did not alter existing practices.... The change was carried out with the input and cooperation of local authorities, although not all were confident as to its benefits. The new police took on the functions of the old and did them in much the same fashion, drawing on the experience and expertise of the parish watch system. Many of the people who staffed the new police had staffed the parochial system." Reynolds, Before the Bobbies, 164.
42. "Peel's previous experience as an under Secretary in the War and Colonies Office had prepared him somewhat in the management of alien, poverty stricken, and rebellious populations. Moreover, his staunch Protestantism and unwillingness to grant political rights to Catholics made him ideologically perfect to run the affairs of Ireland, at least from the English point of view." Monkkonen, Police in Urban America, 37.
43. Monkkonen, Police in Urban America, 38.
44. Emsley, English Police, 26.
45. Reynolds, Before the Bobbies, 4 and 164.
46. Emsley, English Police, 31.
47. Shortly after the watch was disbanded, the vestry clerk of St. Thomas, Southwark reported to Lord Melbourne: "The generality of the Inhabitant Householders expresses much dissatisfaction at the policeman being so seldom seen and consider that they are not so well protected as they were under the old nightly watch. And the parish is much more frequently annoyed by disturbances in the night." Quoted in Reynolds, Before the Bobbies, 158.
48. Smith, Rural Crime Control, 42-43.
49. Smith, Rural Crime Control 45.
50. Roger Lane, Policing the City: Boston 182211885 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1967), 7.
51. Smith, Rural Crime Control, 79; and Bacon, "Early Development of the Modern Municipal Police, vol. 1," 91-92.
52. Douglas Greenberg, Crime and Law Enforcement in the Colony of New York, 1691-1776 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1976), 160-161.
53. David N. Falcone and L. Edward Wells, "The County Sheriff as a Distinctive Policing Modality," in Policing Perspectives: An Anthology, eds. Larry K. Gaines and Gary W. Cordner (Los Angeles: Roxbury Publishing, 1999), 42.
54. Greenberg, Crime and Law Enforcement, 164-165.
55. Quoted in Greenberg, Crime and Law Enforcement, 160.
56. Likewise, the fact that this presumption has been exactly reversed may serve as some measure of the increase in police authority. Nowadays, resisting arrest is unlawful even if the arrest itself is unjustified. And once a person has been warned that he is under arrest the police may generally use whatever force is necessary to restrain him.
57. Bruce Smith, Police Systems in the United States (New York: Harper 8! Brothers, 1940), 105.
58. The 1931 Report of the (Virginia) Commission on County Government described the constable's office as being "of ancient origin," "employing ancient methods," and "having outlived its usefulness." The Commission concluded that "the proper administration of justice will be promoted by its abolition." Quoted in Smith, Rural Crime Control, 87-88.
59. Bacon, "Early Development of the Modern Municipal Police, vol. 1," 8-9.
60. Greenberg, Crime and Law Enforcement, 167.
61. Monkkonen, Police in Urban America, 34.
62. Quoted in Lane, Policing the City, 10.
63. Quoted in Lane, Policing the City, 11.
64. Quoted in Greenberg, Crime and Law Enforcement. 156.
65. Marvin Dulaney complains: "Most scholars have dutifully traced the origins of the American police back to England and ignored the influences of the slave patrol and racism on the American police heritage." W. Marvin Dulaney, Black Police in America (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1996), 127.
66. Dennis C. Rousey, Policing the Southern City New Orleans, 1805~1889 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1996), 3.
67. For a thorough discussion of White fears, see: Herbert Aptheker, American Negro Slave Revolts (New York: International Publishers, 1987), 18-52. White fears of insurrection may have reached the level of paranoia, but they were in no way baseless. Aptheker cites 250 documented rebellions or conspiracies involving ten or more slaves. Aptheker, American Negro Slave Revolts, 162. See also: Harvey Wish, "American Slave Insurrections Before 1961," in Black Protest: 350 Years of History, Documents, andAnalyses. ed. Joanne Grant (New York: Fawcett Columbine, 1968), 29-38; and William F. Cheek, Black Resistance Before the Civil War (Beverly Hills, CA: Glencoe Press, 1970), especially chapter 4, "Slave Insurrections, North and South."
68. Sally E. Hadden, Slave Patrols." Law and Violence in Virginia and the Carolinas (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001), 36 and 109; H. M. Henry, "The Police Control of the Slave in South Carolina" (PhD diss., Vanderbilt University, 1914), 31; and Philip L. Reichel, "Southern Slave Patrols as a Transitional Police Type," in Policing Perspectives: An Anthology, eds. Larry K. Gaines and Gary W Cordner (Los Angeles: Roxbury Publishing, 1999), 85.
69. Michael Hindus clearly articulates the continuity between the new forms of control and the old: "Antebellum South Carolina had accepted three equations: slaves with crime, blacks with slaves, and imprisonment with slavery. After emancipation, the state found new modes of race control." Michael Stephen Hindus, Prison and Plantation: Crime, justice, and Authority in Massachusetts and South Carolina, 1768~1878 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press,l980), xxiv-xxvi.
70. "Slavery was not only an economic and industrial system, and as such felt to be a burden by the non-slaveholder; but more than that, it was a gigantic police system, which the poor man in the up-country as well as the wealthy planter in the lowlands did not know how to replace." Henry, "Police Control," 154-155.
71. The depth of this preference is astonishing, and its influence on Southern priorities proved self-defeating. "Many intransigent Southerners never yielded the notion that the [Civil] war itself was of no importance ifthe slave system was not maintained. Even in 1865, with defeat almost imminent, and the conscription of slaves being seriously considered, still the preservation of the slave system remained a greater priority than the war effort. Some Confederate congressmen claimed that granting freedom to slaves who fought for the Confederacy would subvert their basic contention that slavery was the natural condition for blacks and make victory irrelevant. Rather than compromise in any way on the slavery issue, the South preferred to lose the war." Mary Frances Berry, Black Resistance, White Law: A History of Constitutional Racism in America (New York: Allen Lane, 1994), 67-68.
72. Hadden, Slave Patrols, 10-1 1 and 13.
73. Hadden, Slave Patrols, 14.
74. Hadden, Slave Patrols, 15-16.
75. Henry, "Police Control," 31.
76. Quoted in Robert F. Wintersmith, Police and the Black Community (Lexington, MA: Lexington Books-DC. Heath, 1974), 18.
77. Hadden, Slave Patrols, 17.
78. Hadden, Slave Patrols, 19-20. In 1770, South Carolina Lieutenant Governor William Bull wrote: "The defense of the province as far as our own power can avail, is provided for by our militia against foreign and Patrols against domestic enemies." Quoted in Hadden, Slave Patrols, 43.
79. Quoted in Reichel, "Southern Slave Patrols," 83.
80. Quoted in Reichel, "Southern Slave Patrols," 83; and Bacon, "Early Development of the Modern Municipal Police, vol. 1," 580.
81. Henry, "Police Control, " 33.
82. Hadden, Slave Patrols, 70.
83. Hadden, Slave Patrols, 138.
84. Hindus, Prison and Plantation, 37-38.
85. Henry, "Police Control," 78-79.
86. I am indebted to Shira Zucker for drawing my attention to this aspect of Southern culture.
87. Hadden, Slave Patrols, 130.
88. Hadden, Slave Patrols, 70.
89. Henry, "Police Control," 33-34; and Hadden, Slave Patrols, 73. The 1740 act explained: "many irregularities have been committed by former patrols arising chiefly from their drinking too much liquor before or during the time of their riding on duty." Quoted in Henry, "Police Control," 33-34.
90. Henry, "Police Control," 35-37.
91. Hadden, Slave Patrols, 23.
92. Reichel, "Southern Slave Patrols," 83.
93. Reichel, "Southern Slave Patrols," 83-85. The 1778 law instructed the Georgia patrols to take up all white persons who cannot give a satisfactory account of themselves and carry them before a Justice of the Peace to be dealt with as is directed by the Vagrant Act." Quoted in Reichel, "Southern Slave Patrols," 84. In practice, the patrols exercised control over whites in other states as well. "Patrollers exercised their power not only against slaves in the area but also against White people who challenged the social order as it existed in each community.... Patrols not only cemented social bonds between whites, but also reminded transgressors - both black and white - of what was considered acceptable behavior by the masters of Southern society." Hadden, Slave Patrols, 90.
94. Wintersmith, Police and the Black Community, 17-19.
95. Hadden, Slave Patrols, 25-31.
96. Hadden, Slave Patrols, 33-37.
97. Wintersmith, Police and the Black Community, 19.
98. Wintersmith, Police and the Black Community, 20.
99. Hadden, Slave Patrols, 22.
100. Hadden, Slave Patrols, 123.
101. Hadden, Slave Patrols, 110.
102. Hadden, Slave Patrols, 106.
103. Hadden, Slave Patrols, 126.
104. Quoted in Reichel, "Southern Slave Patrols," 86.
105. Hadden, Slave Patrols, 111-112.
106. Hadden, Slave Patrols, 116.
107. Quoted in Hadden, Slave Patrols, 113.
108. Hadden, Slave Patrols, 117.
109. Wintersmith, Police and the Black Community, 18.
110. Henry, "Police Control," 119-120.
111. Henry, "Police Control," 39-40.
112. Hadden, Slave Patrols, 123. The patrollers themselves were sworn in as agents of the state, and thus personally indemnified against lawsuits. Hadden, Slave Patrols, 77.
113. Quoted in Hadden, Slave Patrols, 89.
114. Hadden, Slave Patrols. 38-39.
115. Hadden, Slave Patrols, 54.
116. Hadden, Slave Patrols, 53-56.
117. Rousey, Policing the Southern City, 19420.
118. Quoted in Rousey, Policing the Southern City, 20.
119. Quoted in Rousey, Policing the Southern City, 21.
120. Rousey, Policing the Southern City, 21-22.
121. Rousey, Policing the Southern City, 57.
122. Henry, "Police Control," 42.
123. Henry, "Police Control," 97.
124. Henry, "Police Control," 44.
125. Henry, "Police Control," 97.
126. Henry, "Police Control," 97.
127. Quoth in Henry, "Police Control," 102.
128. Henry, "Police Control," 99. For more information concerning White fears and the difficulties of subjugating an urban slave population, see: Richard C. Wade, Slavery in the Cities: The South, 1820-1860 (London: Oxford University Press, 1964).
129. Henry, "Police Control," 43.
130. Henry, "Police Control," 51.
131. Quoted in Henry, "Police Control," 44.
132. Henry, "Police Control," 88; and Hadden, Slave Patrols, 114.
133. Henry, "Police Control," 51. For a detailed description of nineteenth-century racial segregation in Southern cities, see: Wade, Slavery in the Cities, 266-277.
134. Henry, "Police Control," 42.
135. Hadden, Slave Patrols, 54.
136. Hadden, Slave Patrols, 75.
137. Hadden, Slave Patrols, 55.
138. Quoted in Hadden, Slave Patrols, 63. Emphasis in original.
139. Quoted in Hadden, Slave Patrols, 62.
140. In North Carolina, the patrols were under court authority from their beginnings. Hadden, Slave Patrols, 47.
141. Bacon, "Early Development of the Modern Municipal Police, vol. 1," 359.
142. Quoted in Bacon, "Early Development of the Modern Municipal Police, vol. 1," 357. As recently as 1837 the mayor of Philadelphia advised, "Every colored person found in the street after (the posting of) watch should be closely supervised by the officers of the night." Quoted in Homer Hawkins and Richard Thomas, "White Policing of Black Populations: A History of Race and Social Control in America," in Out of Order: Policing Black People, eds. Ellis Cashmore and Eugene McLaughlin (London: Routledge, 1991), 71. Parentheses in original.
143. Hadden, Slave Patrols, 3-4. See also: Dulaney, Black Police, 6.
144. Patrollers might also be compared to professional slave catchers. Slave catchers, however, were private operators, not public agents. They were hired by slaveowners for a single job, did not perform regular patrols, were not generally concerned with searching cabins or breaking up church services, and worked over a very large area, sometimes leaving the state. In fact, patrollers more closely resembled overseers. Both had generalized responsibilities for keeping the slaves in line, searching for weapons, preventing gatherings, recapturing runaways, and so on. But overseers were private employees, hired by one slaveowner and responsible chiefly for one plantation. The overseer's duty was continuous, and he was paid much more than a patroller. Furthermore, in addition to his more repressive functions, the overseer also performed managerial tasks, like assigning the slaves their work and distributing food. Comparisons could also be made to the constable. Like patrollers, constables regulated the movement of slaves, recaptured runaways, dispersed slave gatherings, and administered beatings. However, slave control was only one aspect of the constable's job, which also included summon- ing juries, transporting prisoners, process-serving, and otherwise acting as an agent of the courts. Most patrols were concerned only with the activities of slaves, and rarely had reason to appear in court at all. Moreover, the patrols were interested in more than just the gathering and travels of slaves; they also searched their homes. Hadden, Slave Patrols, 80-84.
145. Hadden, Slave Patrols, 48.
146. Hadden, Slave Patrols, 16-17.
147. Quoted in Bacon, "Early Development of the Modern Municipal Police, vol. 2," 574. Emphasis in original.
148. Bacon, "Early Development of the Modern Municipal Police, vol. 2," 576.
149. Bacon, "Early Development of the Modern Municipal Police, vol. 2," 576-578.
150. Quoted in Bacon, "Early Development of the Modern Municipal Police, vol. 2," 581.
151. Bacon, "Early Development of the Modern Municipal Police, vol. 2," 585-586.
152. Bacon, "Early Development of the Modern Municipal Police, vol. 2," 601.
153. Quoted in Hadden, Slave Patrols, 58.
154. Bacon, "Early Development of the Modern Municipal Police, vol. 2," 602.
155. "[T]here can be no doubt that this city was far ahead of all others in regard to enforcement machinery at this time." Bacon, "Early Development of the Modern Municipal Police, vol. 2," 606.
156. Bacon, "Early Development ofthe Modern Municipal Police, vol. 2," 598-601; and Rousey, Policing the Southern City, 19-20.
157. Bacon, "Early Development of the Modern Municipal Police, vol. 2," 605.
158. These reforms reordered the city government, consolidating power under a mayoral figure called the intendent. They also created a daytime police force, which combined with the Charleston Watch and Guard in 1856. Bacon, "Early Development of the Modern Municipal Police, vol. 2," 616-619, 626-628, 634-635, and 643. "[I]t is significant to note under what conditions it [the daytime police force] arose and with what problems it was chiefly concerned; as in the case of night policing it is the control of the slave population that dominates enforcement activity." Bacon, "Early Development of the Modern Municipal Police, vol. 2," 635.
159. Bacon, "Early Development of the Modern Municipal Police, vol. 2," 660-661.
160. In 1803, New Orleans had a population of 8,056 people. Of these, 2,273 were slaves, and another 1,335 were free Black people. The White population at the time numbered 3,948, but 7 this group was anything but unified. Differences of ethnicity, religion, language, and national origin all divided the White population, and sometimes produced fierce conflicts. Bacon, "Early Development ofthe Modern Municipal Police, vol. 2," 657.
161. Bacon, "Early Development of the Modern Municipal Police, vol. 2," 663-665; and Rousey, Policing the Southern City, 14-16.
162. Quoted in Bacon, "Early Development of the Modern Municipal Police, vol. 2," 669-670.
163. Rousey, Policing the Southern City, 16.
164. Bacon, "Early Development of the Modern Municipal Police, vol. 2," 668-669.
165. Rousey, Policing the Southern City, 17.
166. "Its organization was distinctly military, though a bit less so than the Gendarmerie. Unlike the gendarmes, city guardsmen did not routinely carry firearms, relying on sabers and half-pikes instead, although the use of muskets was authorized in times of emergency. Corporal punishment was abolished, and terms of enlistment ran for only six months. The city guard was dramatically closer to a military model oforganization than were the northern night watches and constabulary of the same period, and slave control remained a very significant goal of the New Orleans police." Rousey, Policing the Southern City, 18-19.
167. Rousey, Policing the Southern City, 17-18.
168. Quoted in Rousey, Policing the Southern City, 32. Emphasis in original.
169. Quoted in Rousey, Policing the Southern City, 34.
170. Quoted in Rousey, Policing the Southern City, 33.
171. The cop was tried and acquitted, but reprimanded by the judge. Rousey, Policing the Southern City, 34.
172. Rousey, Policing the Southern City, 29.
173. Rousey, Policing the Southern City, 30.
174. Rousey, Policing the Southern City, 34-37.
175. "New Orleans initiated its military-style police in 1805 but demilitarized the police force in 1836, dropping the uniforms and weapons. At the same time a daytime police force, organizationally integrated with the night police, was formed to provide twenty-four-hour active patrolling with a unified chain ofcommand - nine years before New York's similar reform." Rousey, Policing the Southern City, 6.
176. Rousey, Policing the Southern City, 36-37.
177. Rousey, Policing the Southern City, 37 and 41.
178. Rousey, Policing the Southern City, 45.
179. In 1847, for example, inter-governmental rivalry nearly reached conflict levels. After a series of gambling raids by the police of the First Municipality, the Third Municipality's police were ordered to arrest any cops from other jurisdictions caught trespassing on their turf. Faced with the prospect of a turf war featuring rival police factions, the First Municipality quickly backed down. Rousey, Policing the Southern City, 47-48.
180. Rousey, Policing the Southern City, 66.
181. Rousey, Policing the Southern City, 69.
182. Rousey, Policing the Southern City, 70-72.
183. Rousey, Policing the Southern City, 76.
184. Rousey, Policing the Southern City, 78-80.
185. Robert M. Fogelson, Big-City Police (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1977), 33.
186. Rousey, Policing the Southern City, 69-72.
187. Rousey, Policing the Southern City, ()7 and 82-84.
188. Rousey, Policing the Southern City, 87-89.
189. Rousey, Policing the Southern City, 89.
190. Rousey, Policing the Southern City, 94.
191. Rousey, Policing the Southern City, 14.
192. Bacon, "Early Development of the Modern Municipal Police, vol. 1," 295 and 298.
193. James F. Richardson, Urban Police in the United States (Port Washington, NY: National University Press, 1974), 23-24; and Bacon, "Early Development of the Modern Municipal Police, vol. l,"311-312,316, and 322.
194. The issues of centralization and continuity are more problematic. For while the overall organization had citywide jurisdiction, the ward structure of city government ensured that it would be internally fragmented, with precincts functioning for the most part as autonomous units. Likewise, though the same officers patrolled every night, the overall continuity of the organization was subject to interruption with every change in municipal politics.
195. James F. Richardson, The New York Police: Colonial Times to 1901 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1970), 49.
196. Quoted in Richardson. New York Police, 233.
197. In 1816, when the Democratic political network Tammany Hall took control of the general council, it immediately replaced all city officials with federalist leanings. including a great many of the watchmen. Richardson, New York Police, 21.
198. Bacon, "Early Development of the Modern Municipal Police, vol. 1," 170 and 173; and Richardson. New York Police, 17. Marshals wore no uniforms and carried no weapons. They were paid by fee, and commonly neglected those duties which did not have fees attached to them. Likewise, reminiscent of the thieftakers. marshals made a priority of returning stolen goods for a reward, of course - but not of apprehending the thief. The result was collusion between the officer and the criminal, with the former serving as a fence for the latter. Richardson, New York Police, and 31; and Bacon, "Early Development of the Modern Municipal Police, vol. 1," 238.
199. Richardson, New York Police, 41.
200. Richardson, Urban Police, 24.
201. Richardson, New York Police, 83 and 86; and Richardson, Urban Police, 37.
202. Quoted in Richardson, New York Police, 87.
203. Richardson, New York Police, 88-89; and Richardson, Urban Police, 38.
204. Richardson, New York Police, 94-95.
205. Richardson, New York Police, 95-100
206. Quoted in Richardson, New York Police. 99. In the 1860s the city's fire, health, and liquor control departments were also taken under state control. "These acts were closely modeled after the Metropolitan Police Law, setting the same boundaries for the districts involved, having many of the same administrative provisions, and in some cases having the police commissioners as members of the boards ex officio." Richardson, New York City Police, 42-43.
207. Richardson, New Kirk Police, 101-108; and Richardson, Urban Police, 39. A similar "City Hall War" occurred in Denver in 1894. There the Republican-controlled Board of Commissioners refused to resign when the governor appointed anti-gambling commissioners to their seats. Police officers, sheriff's deputies, and assorted gangsters barricaded themselves inside City Hall, facing off against the militia. Tensions were relieved when the governor ordered the militia to Cripple Creek for more important matters-breaking a strike. For a time following this incident, Denver had two police boards and three police chiefs, but the Republicans eventually surrendered to a court order. Monkkonen, Police in Urban America, 43.